While acknowledging the contributions of the 802 West Indian men who disembarked from the Empire Windrush in 1948, he argues that politicians and institutions have exaggerated their historical significance, turning a complex story of post-war migration into a national founding myth.

Colin explores the various ways this rewriting of British history is shaping the present, from replacing figures such as Sir Winston Churchill with images of wildlife on banknotes to what he sees as racially-biased coverage of the Notting Hill Carnival and the World Cup.

So, where does this leave us? Colin calls on Britain’s leaders to confront both the benefits and the costs of immigration and to end what he regards as the uncritical promotion of state-sponsored myths and simplistic narratives.

Two months after al-Qaeda terrorists blew themselves up along with 3,000 innocents, the polemicist Christopher Hitchens wrote a searing piece for The Atlantic.

His ire was not directed at the mostly educated men who had bought one-way tickets to an imagined paradise - though he reserved a special hatred for them - but at Hollywood’s left-wing darling, Oliver Stone, with whom he shared a panel at the New York Film Festival less than a month later.

When asked to reflect on September 11, the filmmaker described it as a “revolt”.

Hitchens was neither surprised by Stone’s comment nor by how well the liberal audience received it at the time, for such expressions of self-hatred had become commonplace on the left.

The polemicist then launched the first of many public attacks on Professor Noam Chomsky, the linguist who rose to prominence as an outspoken critic of American foreign policy during the Vietnam War.

For Chomsky, he wrote in his column, “everything these days is a ‘truism’; for him it verges on the platitudinous to be obliged to state, once again for those who may have missed it, that the September 11 crime is a mere bagatelle when set beside the offences of the Empire. From this it’s not a very big step to the conclusion that we must change the subject, and change it at once, to Palestine or East Timor or Angola or Iraq”.

In other words, every spasm of violence must be measured against America’s blood-stained ledger. It naturally follows that September 11 was not a unique act of terror but an inevitable response to a world made infinitely more dangerous by imperialism.

Case closed? Not quite.

The central flaw in this argument is that it doesn’t price in what it actually takes to fly a hulking mass of metal into a building at 500 miles per hour - and to look forward to doing so.

The calculus changes when you realise what a sincere commitment to jihadism actually entails, specifically the doctrine of martyrdom and its promise of entry into paradise.

This doesn’t make it easier for non-believers to grasp, but it’s a starting point. Or not. Much easier to hide behind half-baked theories about occupation and geopolitical grievance.

The problem is, these surface-level interpretations leave secular Western societies vulnerable to attack.

Take war, which has historically been fought on the assumption that both sides value life equally. A sincere belief in martyrdom upends these rules. For an enemy who is more eager to die than you are to live is hard to defeat militarily, let alone negotiate with.

Islamists are acutely aware of this asymmetry. In fact, it gives them a tactical advantage on the battlefield.

History is littered with such examples. During a prolonged military conflict between Iran and Iraq in the 1980s, the Iranian government mobilised large numbers of teenage volunteers and some younger children through the Basij, the paramilitary wing of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC).

Inculcated in the ways of martyrdom, these young boys hung symbolic “keys to paradise” around their necks before heading to the front line for the first “human wave” of assaults, clearing the minefields so regular forces could advance.

Hitchens’ support for the War on Terror should be understood within this context. He was writing immediately after one of the worst displays of this barbarism. Although there is much to criticise about the open-ended counterinsurgency and nation-building that followed, he was right.

For this is a civilisational clash between open and closed societies, and no amount of moral equivalence or sophistry will convince me otherwise.

Islamists and their useful idiots in the West are fond of saying that any military response was doomed to fail; jihadism is an ideology that cannot be destroyed. At best, it’s driven underground before reappearing in a more radical form.

Yet this argument runs counter to the events of the 20th century, when two fanatical belief systems were bombed out of existence. Both nations are now peaceful allies.

The defeat of Imperial Japan arguably provides a more compelling case study than Nazism because, like the adherents of radical Islam, the Japanese had cultivated a culture of self-sacrifice in which thousands of young men deliberately flew aircraft into enemy ships in suicide missions.

To many Allied observers in 1944–45, these kamikaze pilots demonstrated a level of ideological commitment that made compromise or deterrence seem impossible. Nevertheless, Japan was defeated, occupied, and utterly transformed through overwhelming military force. Within a generation, the same society that had produced suicide pilots became one of the world’s most peaceful allies.

Unfortunately, these arguments still need to be made as it’s not clear which side is winning the war of ideas. That realisation landed with a thud on the morning of October 7, 2023.

As dawn broke, Hamas launched a surprise assault on Israel that began with a large-scale rocket barrage and ended with the rape and murder of 1,200 innocents and the capture of 250 more.

Watching the crowds in Gaza celebrate as bloodied hostages were paraded through the streets reminded me of the scenes of jubilation in Arab camps following 9/11.

The usual suspects once again rushed to the defence of Islamists, branding the murderous rampage an act of “resistance” against “occupation”.

Disclaimer: I’m not going to revisit the arguments over who has the stronger right to the land between the Mediterranean Sea and the Jordan River. I’m not a scholar on the Middle East. Besides, both sides have their own accounts of the history and these differences will never be reconciled.

The more salient point to consider is one made by Sam Harris in his brilliant Substack essay titled ‘Why I Won’t Debate Critics of Israel’. In that essay, Sam posed the following question: ‘What would each side do if it had the power to do whatever it wanted?’

This is where the differences between specific beliefs and intentions matter. By narrowing the focus on what either side holds to be true about the world and their place in it, the moral distinction becomes clear.

It also informs the response. If Hamas' actions on October 7 were rooted in terrestrial concerns, this opens the door to negotiating. If the group was acting on heavenly instructions, such as a commitment to martyrdom and jihad, the response must be uncompromising; a death cult cannot be negotiated with.

On the latter score, the evidence is overwhelming. What else explains the pleasure Hamas took in mutilating and raping their way through a dance festival and the ease at which they use civilians as human shields?

Think what it takes for a normal person to commit such acts of barbarism. To completely violate every moral code. Then imagine thousands of people committing these atrocities all at once. Are they all psychopaths? Seems doubtful.

Another factor is clearly at play.

Hamas’ late leader, Ismail Haniyeh, summed it up best when he crowed: “We love death like our enemies love life!”

And yet, anyone left of centre appears to view Hamas as a rational actor driven to violence by Israeli aggression and expansionism.

I have devised a quick thought experiment to test this theory.

Answer the following questions:

What hand did the only Jewish state have in the genocide against the Yazidis in 2014, when ISIS ordered men to either convert or die and women were taken as sex slaves?

How about the campaign of terror being waged by ISIS’ affiliates across Africa? Is this the result of Israeli settlers in the West Bank? If your answer is no, then how about American foreign policy?

The fact that the targets and locations change but the medieval methods stay the same (just with varying degrees of depravity) proves that Islamic doctrine is the salient variable in determining a jihadi terror attack.

More baffling still, we have endless examples of Islamists spelling out their intentions and then acting on them. It’s right there in Hamas’ genocidal charter, in the al-Qaeda manuals and in Dabiq, ISIS’ English-language propaganda magazine.

And yet liberals maintain that these fanatics are not meant to be taken at their word - a view that’s as confusing as it’s dishonest.

As Hitchens’ pithily wrote in that December 2001 issue of The Atlantic: ‘I believe I know an enemy when I see one.’

Do you?

The conversation then widens into the politics of rural Britain: family farm tax, land use, net zero, shooting, fishing, housing, private property and the failure of successive governments to take the countryside seriously. Butler argues that rural communities are tired of being treated as a political football, while Tom asks whether the battle over hunting has become part of a deeper fight over civil liberties, land ownership and the future of the political right.

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In our medicated society, the contraceptive pill and SSRIs are ever more common — but what are their effects on mental health, relationships, libido and fertility, as well as their possible role in wider demographic trends and declining birth rates?

Our alpha males also touch on the political Left, asking why countercultural politics continue to attract people seeking meaning, identity and a sense of excitement in an increasingly fragmented society.

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He urges viewers to condemn the violent response without ignoring the role that uncontrolled migration - and the mainstream media and progressive politicians’ failure to address it - has played in stoking community tensions in Northern Ireland.

Set against this backdrop is the province’s history of sectarian violence. Drawing on his own reporting from the Troubles in the 1990s, Colin reveals how the latest disorder risks reopening old wounds while emboldening a new form of authoritarianism.

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Britain has moved from a state that invests in its future to one increasingly dominated by pensions, welfare and benefits. Since the 1970s, public spending has shifted dramatically: investment in infrastructure has fallen, while entitlement spending has soared. The result, he says, has been collapsing productivity, stagnation and a country less able to build, grow or renew itself.

Are Britain’s present problems are downstream of decades of poor statecraft, weak leadership and bad policy decisions? Watch to find out.

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Recorded on location in Texas, after Outpost embedded with a counter-narcotics task force, they discuss the state’s border counties, overwhelmed by smuggling routes, and the political battle over immigration enforcement, mass migration and national sovereignty. Blair warns that Britain and Europe are becoming a cautionary tale for America, as questions of citizenship, allegiance, free speech and Western civilisation move from the margins to the centre of politics, as evidenced by the recent rediscovery of Rhodesia on the …

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Dominic argues that it is better to see the United States not as a settled European-style nation state, but as a perpetually evolving republic whose moments of upheaval, from Andrew Jackson to Donald Trump, are a continuation of the dynamism it has always possessed, rather than a sign of impending collapse.

On British foreign policy, as tensions in the Gulf continue to alternate between uneasy hostility and all-out war, Britain must reconcile its increasingly uncertain position between Washington and Brussels. Does Britain risk sinking its alliance with the United States in pursuit of a stagnant European project?

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Colin invites you to ask who is really driving the crossings, why the routes keep changing, and what will become of the country if this crisis continues unabated. Though many politicians have claimed to have a solution, stopping the boats will require more than slogans.

It will require the kind of seriousness, imagination and resolve Britain once managed to summon in its darkest hour.

This is Brazier. Only on Outpost.

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Comparing the Navy of decades past with the Navy we have today, one must ask: how did civil servants, bureaucrats and government bring about its decline? This inevitably leads to the question of the efficacy of the civil service, whether we have too many bureaucrats in the modern world despite huge technological advances, and how people were paid then compared with how the system works now.

What did statesmen of the past understand about power, defence and Britain’s place in the world that politicians today do not?

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Comparing the Navy of decades past with the Navy we have today, one must ask: how did civil servants, bureaucrats and government bring about its decline? This inevitably leads to the question of the efficacy of the civil service, whether we have too many bureaucrats in the modern world despite huge technological advances, and how people were paid then compared with how the system works now.

What did statesmen of the past understand about power, defence and Britain’s place in the world that politicians today do not?

For the full premium episode, head over to:

https://www.outpoststudios.net/s/the-critic-show and subscribe for full access.

As failing politicians, desperately short of ideas, try to restart the Brexit wars, Colin revisits the bitterness of the referendum years, when millions of Leave voters were unfairly caricatured by political elites and the media. For those with the will to remember, it was about so much more than the enduring divide between metropolitan Remainers and working-class Brexiteers.

Now free to speak openly after all these years, Colin offers a passionate defence of the 2016 vote, and a meditation on loss, memory, democracy and what Brexit was really about.

This is Outpost.

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Vladimir Putin’s invasion of Ukraine had run for 1,418 days. Exactly the same length as the Soviet Union’s war against Nazi Germany, from 22 June 1941 to Victory Day on 9 May 1945. In those days, the Red Army fought from inside its own borders to the gates of Berlin. The Russian army today has captured roughly 20% of Ukraine, and still can’t take the whole Donbas.

Now the war in Ukraine became Russia’s longest war since the Great Patriotic War. By the time Tom Tugendhat and James Glancy sat down to record this week’s Warzones, the count was past 1,540 days and still rising.

This week on Warzones, we walk through what that means:

- Russia has now lost more soldiers in Ukraine (~325,000 KIA) than in every post-WW2 conflict combined, by an order of magnitude.

- Q1 2026 was Russia’s first officially recorded economic contraction of the war.

- Ukrainian deep-strike drones have knocked ~43% of Russian fuel production offline.

- April 2026 was the first…

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Like the soothsayers of old, politicians use polling in all sorts of mysterious ways, making claims that may not always stack up with reality. This is how they can claim momentum even when their parties remain unpopular. In unrelated matters, they also discuss Kemi Badenoch and the wider challenges facing the Conservatives.

What are the limits of polling? In particular, what happens when policies that sound popular in theory crash into reality when put into practice?

In an ever more politically volatile world, we also now have increasingly idiosyncratic voters, whose views often cut across party lines. They might back Reform on some issues while favouring the Greens on others. What does that mean for modern British politics?

We hope you enjoy this episode, and don’t forget to subscribe at www.outpoststudios.net

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Like the soothsayers of old, politicians use polling in all sorts of mysterious ways, making claims that may not always stack up with reality. This is how they can claim momentum even when their parties remain unpopular. In unrelated matters, they also discuss Kemi Badenoch and the wider challenges facing the Conservatives.

What are the limits of polling? In particular, what happens when policies that sound popular in theory crash into reality when put into practice?

In an ever more politically volatile world, we also now have increasingly idiosyncratic voters, whose views often cut across party lines. They might back Reform on some issues while favouring the Greens on others. What does that mean for modern British politics?

For the full episode, go to:

https://www.outpoststudios.net/p/why-we-poll-e78

After retiring from broadcasting in 2023 to run his family farm, Colin has picked up the microphone and returned to our screens on Outpost. Reflecting on his decision to join Outpost, he invites you to ask how Britain got here, what has been lost, and how a shared sense of pride and belonging might yet be restored. Brazier will offer weekly commentary, conversation and argument for viewers who feel that the changes reshaping Britain are too often ignored, dismissed or deliberately left unsaid.

Please like, subscribe and share.

We look forward to seeing you every Friday.

The documentary shifts away from traditional, romanticised Western nature specials. Instead, it highlights how indigenous communities in the Global South effectively manage wildlife conservation. Set in the majestic Marshyangdi Valley located within Nepal’s Annapurna mountain range. Dr. Hanson tracks a wild snow leopard and her cubs alongside local experts. Along the trail, they interview local livestock herders to understand the daily economic realities, conflicts, and cultural structures required to live alongside a deadly predator.

The mission is to bring Himalayan conservation wisdom back to Britain and Ireland. The film serves to inform regional debates on reintroducing native apex predators like the European lynx.

Key Collaborators

The production is a direct…

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In the glass, the focus is on three Spaniards. First, a deeply coloured rosado from Toledo, made with Tempranillo and Garnacha, offering bright berry fruit, refreshing acidity, and a more structured, food-friendly style than the pale Provençal norm. Next, a white Rioja that balances citrus freshness with subtle oak influence, providing a compelling and affordable alternative to white Burgundy, before the pair delve into a Rioja Crianza, which delivers ripe fruit, soft tannins, and classic notes of spice and coconut from American oak.

Join Henry and Laura as they take you through Spain’s reputation for outstanding value, the diversity of rosé styles, and the endur…

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